Last December 17th, the US president Barack Obama corrected an excessively
long injustice, and simultaneously he
changed the direction of history by
releasing five Cuban anti-terrorist
fighters who were in prison for more than
16 years.
By acknowledging the failure of
anti-Cuban policies, re-establishing
diplomatic relations, removing all
possible restrictions at hand, proposing
the complete elimination of the blockade
and demanding a new age in the relation
with Cuba, all in a single speech, he
(Obama) surprised everyone, including
brainy analysts.
The hostile policy set up by President
Dwight Eisenhower (1953-1961) —
before Obama was born— was followed
by Democrat and Republican presidents
of the U.S., and it was later codified with
the Helms-Burton Law, approved by Bill
Clinton in 1996.
It was pretty successful in the early years. In
1959, with the Triumph of the Revolution,
the U.S. was at the apex of its power. It
exercised unchallenged hegemony over
several countries of the world, especially
in the Western Hemisphere. The U.S.
expelled Cuba from OAS and the island
was isolated. Cuba was then helped by
the Soviet Union and its associates at
the COMECON (Council of Mutual
Economic Assistance), made of countries
that signed the Warsaw Pact.
The falling of the so-called “real socialism”
gave false hopes to those who believe it
was also the end of the Cuban revolution.
They imagine the imminence of a long
period of unipolar dominance. Gloating
about good times, they do not notice the
deep sense of things happening: the end
of the Cold War opened new spaces for
social struggles and made Capitalism face
new challenges to overcome.
The fall of the Berlin Wall prevented
them from seeing that in February
1989, Venezuela was shocked by a social
uprising called “El Caracazo”, sign of
the blossoming of a new epoch in Latin
America.
Cuba survived the collapse of former
allies. Its resistance was key factor for the
deep transformation of the continent.
The policy to isolate Cuba failed years
ago since the U.S. ended isolated itself, as
stated by current Secretary of State, John
Kerry.
A new relation with Cuba was paramount
for Washington. The U.S. needed to
approach its relation with the continent,
no longer its backyard. The achievement
of such a goal is fundamental now. The
U.S. cannot lead as it did before.
There is still a long way to go to reach
that level of relation. First, the economic,
commercial, and financial blockade must
stop, as major sectors of U.S. business
world are urging.
However, to normalize relations it is
essential to learn how to coexist with
a different viewpoint and eradicate old
dreams of domination. It would imply
to respect the sovereignty of people,
fundamental principle of the UN Chart,
which is not convenient for the most
powerful countries.
In relation to the freedom of the Cuban
Five, all U.S. presidents have used —
without exception— the power granted
by the Article II, Section 2, Paragraph
1 of the Constitution. All of them have
used it for more than two centuries and
nothing has stopped them.
Such paragraph in the Constitution
authorizes the President to cancel the
sentences and grant pardons, in cases of
alleged crimes against the United States.
There were lots of reasons to demand
executive clemency for the Cuban Five.
In 2005, a judge panel of the Appeal
Court revoked the process against them
—defining the case as a “perfect storm of
prejudice and hostility”— and ordered a
new trial.
In 2009, the same court determined
the case has nothing to do with neither
espionage nor national security in
the United States. Both verdicts were
approved with full consensus.
Regarding another important charge,
that of “conspiracy to commit a murder”
against Gerardo Hernandez Nordelo, his
prosecutors admitted it was impossible
to prove such false accusation and they
even tried to remove it in May 2001 in
an unprecedented move. Such idea came
from the attorneys of former President
George W. Bush (2001-2009).
Five years had passed and Gerardo
awaited any response to his repeated
appeals to Miami court to free him,
or at least revise his case, or order the
government to present the “evidence”
used to condemn him, or agree to listen
to him about the extent of the money
involved in such media campaign to
trigger that “perfect storm”.
The court never answered back. No
words from bigger media groups were
heard about that unusual paralysis of the
judicial system. It was obvious it was a
political case and only a political decision
could solve the situation. No one else but
the President could do it.
Obama showed wisdom and
determination when he faced with
courage the basic problems rather than
limiting himself to free any person. The
Cuban Five saga was the consequence
of an aggressive strategy and the best
move was to put an end to both things
simultaneously.
No one can deny the transcendence of
the announcement of December 17th. It
would be a mistake, however, to ignore
that there is still a long, winding way to
go. It will be necessary to advance firmly
and wisely.
Jan 15, 2015. Reprinted from CubaSi.
*Ricardo Alarcón is a former Vice President
of Cuba & former President of the National
Assembly of People's Power of Cuba
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